WEDO
Primer: Women in Government 2
March 2001
Getting
the Balance Right: Strategies for Change
Forward: A Global Movement to Change the Face of Leadership
By
June Zeitlin
WEDO’s
co-founders Bella Abzug and Mim Kelber sought the political empowerment of women
around the world. They were outspoken about the need for gender balance at the
United Nations, in parliaments, and in all decision-making bodies, and the
feminist perspective they advocated was grounded in the diverse experiences of
women worldwide. This far-reaching vision of political empowerment, with its
potential to transform the way the world’s business is conducted and to impact
the everyday lives of women, men and their families, continues to be the
cornerstone of WEDO’s mission.
In June of 2000, during the UN five year review of the Beijing Platform for
Action, WEDO launched the global campaign 50/50 by 2005: Get the Balance Right.
This campaign underscores the need for a critical mass of women in leadership
positions at all levels. One or two women in government positions are not
enough. We must be present in large numbers wherever decisions are made—whether
at the local, national, or international level—to enable women and men to
reshape the policy agenda, together.
But the 50/50 campaign is not just about numbers; it is also about women making
a difference. At each major UN conference in the last ten years, starting with
Rio in 1992, women have successfully established that every issue—social,
economic and political— affects women and that all women’s issues involve and
reflect the concerns of society as a whole. In other words, when women bring
their experiences and feminist perspectives to the table everyone
benefits—peace and justice can become a reality in the present rather than in
some distant future.
The 50/50 campaign is also about transforming institutions. WEDO does not seek
access to power and decision making for women in order to accommodate the male
norm. Our goal is not only to transform the policy agenda at all levels of
government but to also transform the male- centered structures, practices, and
culture of governing institutions. Continuing WEDO’s vision, the 50/50 campaign
seeks to dismantle the structural barriers and institutional practices that
make it difficult for women to gain access to power and decision making.
It’s been less than a year since WEDO launched the 50/50 campaign to mobilize
women from around the world—locally, regionally and globally—to tackle the
barriers that prevent us from achieving equality in governance and decision
making. In that time we have seen the campaign begin to take on a life of its
own. To date, 50/50 national campaigns have been mounted by WEDO partners in 10
countries: Argentina, Bulgaria, India, Kenya, Namibia, Philippines, Senegal, Suriname,
Trinidad and Tobago, and Uganda. More are planned as women worldwide push
forward to the goal of women’s equal share in power and decision making.
June Zeitlin
Executive Director
Introduction:
Women Working With Women, Breaking Down the Barriers
By
Socorro Reyes
The good news
about women’s political empowerment is that 189 governments have promised women
“equal access to” and “full participation in” power structures and decision
making. And that isn’t all. They have also proclaimed their intentions to
“establish the goal of gender balance,” set “specific targets,” and “implement
measures to substantially increase the number of women...in all governmental
and public administration positions.” These commitments were made back in 1995
at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China.
Now, fast forward five years—has anything actually happened? Not much.
According to data collected by the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), an
international organization of state parliaments, the number of women members of
government has risen by less than three percentage points, from 10 to 12.7
percent. So, despite all the promises governments made in Beijing, the number
of women in legislative bodies has only increased 0.5 percent annually. At that
rate, it will take 75 years before women are assured of equal representation in
their national governments.
Among government ministers worldwide, women fare only slightly better at 14
percent, and they are largely concentrated in sectors typically seen as least
powerful, such as education, health, and sports. The number of women heading
those government sectors with the most clout in the power structure is
particularly low, with only 9.4 percent in the legal area and less than five
percent in economic, political and executive positions.
Women have better chances of being elected to local governing bodies, and many
do start their political careers at the local level before moving on to the
national stage. However, very few countries have local legislative bodies in
which women make up 30 percent or more—the UN-designated “critical mass”
required to maintain the impetus towards 50/50 female/male representation.
Among them are India, where a third of the Panchayat (village) seats are
reserved for women by law, and Namibia where women hold 42 percent of elective
local positions.
Why aren’t women elected in larger numbers? The fact is that women face
formidable obstacles to participation in government, many of which stem from
deeply rooted patriarchal structures and societal attitudes. Women are still
often considered unequal to men—in the workplace, at home, in government—and
assigned roles accordingly. This systematic disempowerment has left women with
little presence in decision-making bodies and less likelihood of having their
interests and concerns on the policy agenda.
The structures of political parties, electoral systems, and legislative
assemblies often create systemic barriers to women’s full and equal
participation in government. Political parties in many countries act as
gatekeepers that decide which candidates are in and which are out.
Similarly, the type of electoral system can advance or limit political
opportunities for women. It is widely accepted that the multi-member
proportional representation system works best for women—of the 10 countries
with the highest percentage of women in parliaments, all have systems that
include proportional representation.1
In such systems, voters cast their ballots for a party—and in some cases for an
individual as well—and seats are allocated in proportion to the votes each
party receives. The result is a shared, multi-party government.
What doesn’t work for women is the winner-take-all, single-member plurality
voting system used in about 40 percent of countries. Of the nine countries with
no women in their legislatures, seven use the majority system, one has a mixed
system and the other appoints members.2
Acknowledging these barriers in Beijing, governments committed to review “the
differential impact of electoral systems on the political representation of
women,” and to consider reforms.
In Beijing, governments also acknowledged the value of quotas in increasing the
number of women in decision making, calling on political parties to “integrate
women in elective and non-elective public positions in the same proportion...
as men.” Since Beijing, a significant increase in women’s representation has
been recorded in countries that have applied quota systems in decision making
in national parliaments, governmental bodies, and/or political parties.
Campaign financing laws pose further problems for women. Generally lacking in
resources and unable to raise the huge sums required to compete, women will
continue to be marginalized unless these laws are changed to curb spending and
provide public financing. (The exceptions to this rule are those few women from
wealthy political families who run for office as a matter of legacy.)
Finally, for those women who are elected to local or national legislatures, the
male-dominated structures and processes can often prove too formal and rigid.
To overcome this barrier, elected women often seek assistance from women’s
support groups to increase their numbers.
Overcoming
the Obstacles
As the reports in this primer demonstrate, women are using various
organizational strategies to overcome the barriers to their participation.
These strategies include gender-sensitive campaign training for women
candidates, demanding party quotas to broaden women’s electoral participation
and providing support services to women legislators at the local and national
levels.
In Trinidad and Tobago, the campaign training program of the Network of Women’s
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) emphasizes the acquisition and
development of political skills as well as gender analysis of budget allocations
and local government laws, history and functions.
The reports on Sweden and Africa demonstrate the extent to which party quotas
and proportional representation contribute to raising the numbers of women in
national parliaments. In the Philippines, women activists are helping women
legislators develop the technical skills needed to formulate a realistic and
prioritized gender-based legislative agenda. As the reports in this primer
show, such alliances enable elected women to navigate the legislative process,
participate actively and make meaningful interventions in committee and floor
deliberations, while encouraging them to involve their constituents in decision
making.
Also included in this primer are useful tools and information from WEDO’s
50/50: Get the Balance Right global campaign. Readers can use the tools to
learn more about the issues, sign on to the campaign, network with
organizations across all regions and plan local strategy.
Notes
1. Sweden (42.7), Denmark (37.4), Finland (36.5), Norway (36.4),
Netherlands (36.0), Iceland (34.9), Germany (30.9), New Zealand (30.8),
Mozambique (30.0), South Africa (29.8).
2. Djibouti (majority system); Jordan (majority system), Kuwait
(mixed system), Micronesia (majority system), Palau (majority system), Tonga
(majority system), Tuvalu (majority system), United Arab Emirates (members
appointed), Vanuatu (majority system). Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union:
www.ipu.org/wmn-e.classif.htm
Chapter
1: Trinidad and Tobago: Building Critical Mass at the Local Level
Where
are the Women * The
Strategy: Training Research, Outreach *
The
Results: At Least One Woman Everywhere * The
Lessons Learned
By
Hazel Brown
In the run-up to
local elections in 1999, Trinidad and Tobago’s Network of Women’s NGOs decided
it was time to tip the balance in women’s favor. The last local ballot had seen
the level of women’s representation decline, and so the Network, a national
umbrella organization for women’s groups, set up a novel project called
Engendering Local Government. It was designed to enhance the campaign skills of
gender-sensitive women candidates and sweep a critical mass into office, where
they could make a substantial impact on policy. When the results were tallied,
the percentage of women representatives had reached its highest level ever.
From the beginning, the project aimed to cultivate a more equitable sharing of
power in Trinidad and Tobago, a parliamentary democracy, and to encourage popular
participation in municipal bodies. It also sought to teach the Network member
organizations about the challenges of making political systems work for women.
The project targeted local government as a particularly strategic point to
intervene because it is located squarely between the national government, which
controls most state resources, and the daily needs of communities and families.
Where are the Women?
In Trinidad and Tobago—as in many other countries according to current
research—political parties consider women's input to local government elections
vital for campaigning and voting. However, after elections are over selected
candidates are not obliged by the party to include more women in their their
administrations.When women are chosen as candidates, they are usually saddled
with the riskiest seats, a practice that keeps down the number of those
elected. Women candidates have noted a host of other serious obstacles,
including conflicts with family commitments, platform abuse by rivals, insufficient
financial support, minimal moral support, sexual demands by men and inadequate
security measures. Many women have expressed the view that when they consider
all the challenges and the sacrifices that standing for election demands, they
prefer to support men through campaigning and voting.
Some political leaders admit that women are not yet seen as equal partners in
political decision making, regardless of numbers, competence, circumstances or
needs. These views have been bolstered by traditional media reporting on women
in politics in which they are stereotyped as aggressive, hysterical and/or as
pawns of powerful political sponsors. Women’s only advantage has seemed to be a
growing sentiment that they are less likely to be corrupt than men, and therefore
should be given a chance.
This sentiment, however, has not consistently translated into higher numbers of
women elected to office. While female participation in Trinidad and Tobago’s
national, dual-branch legislature rose from 13 percent in 1980 to 20 percent in
1996, the figure declined in local government from 20 percent to 17 percent
over the same period. This trend was unexpected, given women’s extensive
involvement in local activities such as school and church organizations, credit
and trade unions, and political parties.
Local government elections take place every four years in Trinidad and Tobago,
though they do not simultaneously occur on both islands. Candidates seek
offices in Trinidad’s 14 Regional Corporations, which oversee community services
such as street lighting, garbage collection, markets, burial sites, and insect
control, and in Tobago’s House of Assembly, which takes charge of financial
management and infrastructure development.
In 1996, voters elected five women to the Tobago House of Assembly. In
Trinidad’s Regional Corporations, 19 of 124 elected councilors were women, and
seven of 31 appointed aldermen were women. That year, 210 men and 48 women
contested, but male candidates enjoyed a 50 percent success rate compared with
37.6 percent for women. There were no women in four councils, and the largest
number of women in any one council was four. Among the council-appointed
municipal leaders, there were no women mayors, just two deputy mayors and only
one council chair.
The Strategy: Training, Research, Outreach
For the 1999 election, Engendering Local Government set out to change these
numbers through a three-pronged strategy: training, research and documentation,
and outreach to the mass media. The program began in May 1997 with a pilot
training workshop for activists and elected women. Participants discussed the
current gender imbalances in political structures and examined alternatives to
correct them. After the workshop, they began attending the regular meetings of
their councils and developing relationships with the councilors.
In a series of 10 subsequent workshops over the following year, the project
trained more than 300 women in political skills, with sessions on the laws,
history and functions of local government, and on strategies for introducing a
gender perspective (for example, through gender analysis of budget
allocations). Trainers experienced in both local government and gender analysis
used adult education principles of experiential learning, including case studies
and popular theatre. They reminded women that many of the abilities they had
fine-tuned in running their own households, such as managing tight budgets and
negotiating compromises, could be readily translated into the political arena.
The workshops were open to women candidates from all parties, and to those
women managing and supporting the campaigns of women in their region.
Participants included grassroots activists and professional women, with
incumbent women councilors comprising about 50 percent of the group. Many of
those who had never run for office, but were already skilled as campaign
organizers, said their primary obstacle had been a lack of understanding of how
to get into the system and become a candidate.
Later workshops addressed the specific needs of candidates. They included
sessions on speech, imaging, protocol and nomination day procedures. On short
notice, the non-partisan project established a Women’s Political Campaign Fund
with contributions from local and national individuals and organizations, and
from overseas. This provided funding to 33 candidates in the two main parties
as well as independents. All women candidates were presented with a copy of a
women’s political campaign workbook that offered tips on strategies and techniques.
The project also held training sessions for local government representatives
and administrators on gender analysis and planning skills. Targeting incumbent
councilors and administrative staff was a deliberate move to bring them into
the process and to enlist their support in broadening the space for women’s
participation. Training sessions were frequently held in council chambers, and
councilors were encouraged to take part in the organization of details,
including the selection of convenient dates and the planning of meals.
As the project’s training component was taking place, coordinators began
collecting data and reaching out to the media to galvanize critical political
and public support for the candidates. The project disseminated the findings of
both his torical and recent research on the functioning of local government
bodies, and the impact these local bodies have had on national development and
women’s participation. Data was compiled on women who had contested local
elections over the years, who had been successful, and who had run for office
more than once. These findings served as the basis for a public awareness
campaign. A media consultant designed a communication program that emphasized
the non-partisan nature of the exercise, and adopted the theme, “Put a woman to
work for you in local government.” An advertising campaign disseminated
messages such as, “We need more women in local government, and your vote
counts.” One-page flyers, bumper stickers and posters were given to all
candidates for their own use and distributed in public markets and shopping
malls. Many of the women candidates were interviewed on popular radio and TV
shows, and feature articles in the newspapers stirred interest in the
elections. A special effort was made to engage journalists in the project; they
were invited to all project activities and were regularly updated through press
conferences and releases.
The Results: At Least One Woman Everywhere
Originally, Engendering Local Government projected that at least 30 percent of
the women participating would pursue a candidacy, and that women’s interest in
local government would rise, with an additional 30 percent of the participants
volunteering to serve on local advisory councils. It was also hoped that women
representatives would strengthen calls for more women in government, and that
the deliberations, work programs and expenditures of local government would
reflect greater sensitivity to gender concerns.
When Election Day came, 91 women contested 124 seats, and 28 won. This
represented a 100 percent increase over the number campaigning in 1996, and a
50 percent increase over the number who won. The percent of women councilors
overall rose from 17 percent to 26 percent.
Women from the two main political parties were most successful: 20 out of 44
People’s National Movement (PNM) candidates and eight out of 41 United National
Congress (UNC) candidates won. None of the three independent candidates were
elected. Although women contested in all 14 regions, women candidates did not
obtain seats in four Regional Corporations. Women publicly noted this gap, and
it was later addressed with the appointment of women aldermen. All councils now
have at least one woman representative.
Extensive media coverage encouraged several political leaders to acknowledge
publicly the importance of women’s participation. The project’s collection and
documentation of information on women and local government, which was critical
in this effort, will also serve as an important resource for future actions.
Lessons Learned
Many of the women who participated in Engendering Local Government have
expressed their willingness to continue to work with the Trinidad and Tobago
Network of NGOs.
Following the elections, the project hosted a gathering to share and assess
experiences, and to examine possibilities for additional collaboration.
Participants called for the creation of a local government women’s forum in
each region comprised of elected councilors, aldermen, candidates, previous
councilors and alderman, and activists who attended the workshops. Once
established, these forums will work closely with the Network of NGOs to create
critical links between local and national issues.
In the future, the Network plans to continue its advocacy for increased political
participation by routinely requesting women representatives to support women
candidates in their party. The Network will also lobby for greater numbers of
women to contest elections, train women in elections skills, encourage local
government representatives to participate in training sessions, and advocate
for policies informed by a gender perspective. These activities will ensure
that important lessons learned during Engendering Local Government will be
carried forward, including the following:
- Use
professional media personnel They offer invaluable expertise in choosing
the right media and in creating the most appropriate messages.
- Consider
bi-partisan activities Women learn new perspectives and ways of working
together outside of their traditional alignments.
- Collaborate
with “insiders” Those who know the political system best, including
incumbents and administrative personnel, can provide resources, guidance
and support.
- Foster
consistent and supportive networks Women need practical support on a range
of matters from the marshalling of campaign funds to assistance with
domestic chores and personal security.
- Disseminate
the data Statistics related to women’s participation make a compelling
case for change.
- Pay particular attention to young voters Often alienated from
politics, this group is a likely bloc of support for women candidates and
can be inspired to participate in a new and progressive movement.
Chapter
2: Sweden and South Africa: A Better Chance to Win
The
Benefits of History * Quotas:
Numbers Don’t Lie *
Electoral
Systems: It’s the Kind of Vote That Counts * Progressive
Party Politics a Plus for Women * Government:
A Gender-Sensitive System
By
Ranveig Jacobsson (Sweden) and Mihloti Mathye (South Africa)
Sweden is
justifiably lauded for its progressive approach to women’s political
participation. It was among the first countries in Europe to give women the
vote and to adopt quotas. Today Sweden continues to lead the world in the
percentage of women in its Parliament and in its Cabinet. South Africa has a
different history, one where the black majority—women and men—were
disenfranchised under the apartheid system. Women, in particular, have made
significant gains since the first free elections were held in 1994. Today,
South Africa ranks 10th in the world in the number of women in its Parliament,
up from 141st in 1994.
In both countries, progressive political parties and proportional
representation have bolstered women’s political participation. Strong women’s
movements have consistently capitalized on these openings to push participation
forward. The results have been dramatic, and not just in terms of the numbers:
female parliamentarians have altered the political process, changed the face of
government and put their stamp on a wide range of new policies.
The Benefits of History
Women’s political participation in South Africa has its roots in the long,
fierce struggle against racial oppression and disenfranchisement. As early as
1913, women worked side by side with men in resistance campaigns and fought for
legislative and institutional changes that would remove racial and gender
discrimination.
By the 1980s, amid the welter of new ideas generated by the United Nations
Decade of Women, which culminated in the 1985 Third World Conference on Women
in Nairobi, Kenya, the focus of women’s activism grew to include a demand for
equal representation in decision-making structures. In 1992, a year after the
apartheid regime was replaced by the African National Congress (ANC), the South
Africa Women’s National Coalition, which brought together representatives of
all political affiliations, issued the Women’s Charter for Effective Equality.
It called for equality in many areas, including political structures, and was
instrumental in putting women’s concerns on the agenda during the subsequent
negotiations for a democratic South Africa. Both the Women’s League of the ANC
and the coalition lobbied parties to include women in their delegations to the
talks.
During this period, the ANC set a precedent by agreeing to reserve 30 percent
of its parliamentary seats for women. The new South African Constitution went
on to declare that all are equal before the law, and that no person or the
government may unfairly discriminate in a direct or indirect way against any
person on the grounds of race, gender, sexual orientation, pregnancy, disability,
age, culture, marital status, religion, color, or social origin. Under the
Constitution, every citizen has the right to free and fair elections, the right
to vote in an election, the right to stand for public office, and the right to
hold office if elected.
With this strong legal statement, the ANC quota, and persistent lobbying by
activists, women went on to capture over a quarter of the seats of all parties
in the 1994 elections. This figure rose to its current high of 30 percent in
the 1999 vote. Working together for only six years, women parliamentarians have
already successfully advocated for the ratification of The Convention on the
Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and
established structures to promote and protect gender equality, including the
Commission on Gender Equality and the Parliamentary Women’s Caucus. Their
lobbying also ensured passage of three key laws: the Choice of Termination of
Pregnancy Act, the Maintenance Act and the Domestic Violence Act.
Women also hold an impressive number of ministerial posts, including
traditionally male ones, such as foreign affairs, minerals and energy.
Considering the significant increase in the number of female politicians, some
observers predict equal female/male representation in the next election.
Sweden is already close to equal representation, due in part to its long
tradition of forward-looking social policies, which back to the end of World
War II when the country’s welfare system was developed. The first woman MP was
elected in 1921,1
although it was not until 1947 that a woman became a member of the Swedish
government.2
(In a parliamentary system like Sweden’s, the government refers to the
executive branch, which is composed of the Prime Minister and cabinet
ministers. The latter may be drawn from members of parliament. It was not until
1947 that a woman MP was appointed to the cabinet.)
Wider recognition of women’s rights as a political concept and gender equality
as a national goal developed during the 1960s, and labor, education, social and
family policies became the instruments for advancing women’s status. Before
that, women’s issues were considered a matter for women only, a notion
reflected in the tradition of women’s organizations within political parties.
By the 1970s, with the percentage of women in Parliament, county councils and
municipalities topping 30 percent, politically organized women and NGOs started
to systematically press their claims for equal opportunities.
The single most important political move was a 1971 law on individual taxation
for married couples, which resulted from intense advocacy by women politicians.
The law established the right of women to be treated as individuals and
eliminated the higher co-taxation rate for married couples that had created a
barrier to women’s employment.3 It also became the starting point for promoting
women’s economic independence, thus generating other changes such as the
expansion of childcare and parental insurance.
Over the next decade, the government and Parliament established formal
structures to promote and protect women’s equality—in 1972, an organization to
make regular progress reports to Parliament; in 1976, a ministerial portfolio
for gender equality; and, in 1980, legislation banning discrimination.
These efforts, over time, have had a clear impact on women’s participation
across all spheres of life, including the political arena. Today, half of all
ministers are women, as is the Speaker of Parliament. Women make up 43 percent
of Parliament, 48 percent of regional assemblies and 41 percent of local
assemblies.
A recent movement lobbying for women’s representation on public boards and
committees has spawned a requirement that the name of a woman and a man be put
forward for each appointed seat. The government is aiming for equal
participation on these bodies by the year 2001.
Despite this progress, Swedish women point out that political and public bodies
considered important and influential are still dominated by men. A prevailing
“vertical division of labor” means that women and men have different tasks and
positions, with women more likely to be equally represented in the social and
cultural institutions that have less power than those specializing in economic
matters such as taxation and industrialization.
But some studies indicate that so-called “soft” areas such as childcare,
schools, recreational programs and cultural affairs are gaining in importance
as the number of women in local political bodies increases. The Swedish
experience confirms that if women make up a large percentage of the members of
a political body, the chances increase that they will pursue issues based on
women’s experiences and interests.
Quotas: Numbers Don’t Lie
Women in both South Africa and Sweden have successfully employed a mechanism
that is still controversial in some countries: quotas, otherwise known as positive
or affirmative action programs. Supporters for such policies point to the role
models offered by successful women, the prospect of social and economic
justice, a level playing field, and support for issues that would otherwise be
ignored.# Opponents argue that quota candidates lack experience, and that
elections should be based on merit rather than favoritism.
However, international agreements such as the Beijing Platform for Action have
noted that a critical mass of 30 percent is required in order for women to
participate effectively in any decision-making structure. Quotas have been used
around the world to reach this target, bringing substantial numbers of
previously under-represented segments of society into party lists, government
bodies and parliaments.
Individual parties in Sweden and South Africa have taken the initiative to
adopt quotas; there is no requirement that all parties agree to this measure.
The Social Democratic Party of Sweden, which has led the government since 1994,
decided to apply the principle of “every other seat a woman’s seat” on its
electoral lists at its 1993 Congress. While the Green Party and the Left Party
have embraced 50 percent quotas since 1983 and 1990, respectively, the Liberal,
Center and Conservative parties have not yet moved in this direction.
South Africa’s ANC has followed a 30 percent quota since 1994, which has led to
high levels of women both in the party itself (39%) and among the party’s
National Assembly seats (36.1%). This precedent, combined with vigorous
lobbying by women’s groups and the Commission on Gender Equality, has
encouraged other parties to promote women’s representation, even without their
own quotas. For instance, before the 1999 elections, the Commission made a
widely publicized call on each party to present its plans to increase women’s
participation. Women in four out of 13 parties won more than 30 percent of the
seats. The ANC has also consciously placed women prominently on party lists.
Former President Nelson Mandela introduced the policy of offering ANC vacancies
in the National Assembly to women first. For example, when Bhadra Ranchod
resigned from the National Party and his position as deputy speaker, he was
replaced by Baleka Mbete-Kgositsile, a woman who had chaired the ANC parliamentary
caucus. Currently, both the Speaker and Deputy Speaker are women.
The effectiveness of quotas can be increased by a wide range of factors,
including lobbying by the women’s movement, electoral systems, the policies of
individual parties, and supporting gender-sensitive policies. However, it is
true that no country has attained the critical 30 percent mark without a quota
system of some sort.
Electoral Systems: It’s the Kind of Vote That
Counts
Both South Africa and Sweden illustrate the benefits of using quotas to build
on a system of proportional representation, where voters choose parties that
distribute their percentage of seats among their members. The advantages of a
proportional representation system are well documented. They include the ability
of progressive party leadership to override traditional sentiments against
women running for office.
A comparative study of 13 parliamentary democracies between the 1960s and the
1980s concluded that there is no trade-off between democratic quality and
effectiveness in proportional systems. The caliber of women ministers and
parliamentarians in Sweden and South Africa, and the contributions they have
made, testify to this.
Ensuring that proportional representation actually benefits women, however, also
requires attention to their placement on party lists. Parties who are not
seriously committed to gender equality will commonly relegate women to the
bottom of their list, where they are less likely to reach an elected seat.
In Sweden, examination of party lists has long shown that women and men receive
equal attention in the lower portion of the list, but the top-ranking, more
electable spots are still generally reserved for men. All the political parties
have discussed the possibility of granting every second name on each list to a
woman; most of them, more or less, implement this policy today. The Social
Democratic Party has fully embraced this principle, and now fields equal
representation in Parliament. In reaching its 30 percent quota, the ANC has implemented
the requirement that every third candidate on the regional and national lists
be a woman.
Progressive Party Politics a Plus for Women
The ANC has clearly taken the initiative in bringing women into South Africa’s
political system, working closely with progressive activists and drawing from
its history of policies supporting women’s participation. In 1990, three women
sat on the ANC’s 30-member National Executive Council, and a fifth of
representatives to its first consultative conference were female. While the
party was still banned under the apartheid regime, it organized a Women’s
Section to address women’s concerns and lobby for a non-sexist culture within
the organization.
Since 1994, Presidents Mandela and Thabo Mbeki have demonstrated their
commitment to women’s participation and leadership. In his address to South
Africa’s first democratic Parliament, President Mandela confirmed that the
objectives of the Reconstruction and Development Programme could not be
realized without radically changing women’s condition for the better, and
empowering them in all aspects of life as equals with any other member of
society.
President Mbeki, referring to the advances made by Parliament and the National
Executive, has called on other centers of authority and power to adopt a
similar approach. Mbeki has continued Mandela’s commitment by increasing the
number of women ministers and deputy ministers in his government. In 1994, four
out of 25 cabinet members (16%) were women, and seven out of 15 deputy ministers
(46.6%) were women. In 1999, these figures rose to 27.58 percent for cabinet
ministers and 61.53 percent for deputies.
Government: A Gender-Sensitive System
While several of Sweden’s parties have become role models by ensuring women’s
equal participation in their own ranks, the Swedish government as a whole has
begun to assess its policies through the lens of gender equality. In 1972, the
government set up its first advisory body on equal opportunities to develop a
suitable policy for the public services.
Today all draft proposals for government decisions are scrutinized from this
angle. Since 1992, official statistics have been separated for women and men
unless strong reasons are presented to the contrary. In 1994, the government
began offering basic education on gender to cabinet ministers,
under-secretaries of state, political advisors, press secretaries, public
servants in ministries and other parts of the public service, as well as chairs
and secretaries on commissions and committees. A special commission for
developing gender perspectives in government policies was created in 1997. The
under-secretary of state for equal opportunities between women and men chairs
the group, which consists of representatives from both the public and private
sector.
Until the mid-1980s much of the government’s emphasis was on building and
consolidating women’s positions in directly elected political bodies. Less
attention was paid to indirectly elected bodies—the boards of directors,
commissions of inquiry and committees that help shape policies by drafting
position papers and drawing up strategies.
In 1986, a government commission set up to gather data on these bodies. It
published a report called Varannan damernas (Every Other One for the Ladies),
which alludes to the custom at many Swedish dance halls of allowing women to
choose their partner every second dance. The highly publicized report revealed
what many had long suspected—women still accounted for only 16 percent of the
members of government boards, committees and other public positions.
“When political parties show themselves to the voters, women are relatively
numerous,” the Commission commented. One reason, the Commission said, was that
the work of the boards and committees, as well as their recruitment methods,
were relatively invisible to the public. Unlike political parties, these bodies
do not necessarily risk losing mandates or members if they do not pursue
equality issues, or if their boards are male dominated, the Commission Report
said.
In 1988, the government adopted a program to increase female representation in
all indirectly-elected bodies. Its strategy included making the shortage of
women visible through annual statistics, and mapping out targets for women’s
participation—30 percent by 1992, and 40 percent by 1995, with equality as the
final goal.
In a move to coordinate gender equality in filling government-appointed
positions, the progressives urged organizations that were offered a seat on a
state board or committee to submit two nominations for each position—one woman
and one man—so that the government could choose between candidates and thereby
create a better balance of male and female representation. Supporting
activities included projects for encouraging women’s networks, and mentor and
training programs.
By 1992, women’s representation on central government boards rose to 36
percent, and by 1998 to 44 percent, with women chairing 35 percent of the
boards. Regional increases have been slightly slower, with women accounting for
27 percent of appointments in 1992 and 40 percent in 1998.
Both Sweden and South Africa show that proportional representation, when
combined with quotas that reserve a fair share of seats for women, can be an
effective channel for increasing the numbers of women in government. But the
experiences of these two countries also show the critical need for parties and
governments to support these strategies for progressive change if equal
representation is ever to be achieved.
Notes
1. Kerstin Hesselgren was elected to the Upper House of the Swedish parliament
in 1921. In 1922, four others, Bertha Wellin, Agda Oestlund, Nelly Thuering,
and Elisabeth Tamm, were elected to the Lower House.
2. Karin Kock-Lindberg.
Chapter
3: The Philippines: Making the Legislative System Work for Women
The
Case for Support Services * Training:
Building Skills, Broadening Perspectives * Research
and Analysis: Getting the Facts Straight * Lessons
Learned
By
Sheila Villaluz
In the
Philippines, the number of women in local legislatures and the national
Congress is steadily inching upward.1
Locally, women secured 16 percent of all seats in the 1998 elections, up from
just over 10 percent in 1987.2
The percentage of women in the national Senate and House of Representatives
hovered between 10 and 25 percent. Despite a growing recognition among
advocates that women should be elected so they can push for gender-sensitive
laws, little attention was being given to developing the skills they needed to
do their work effectively. Women legislators were left to face steep barriers
to their equal and informed participation with few opportunities to cultivate
their capabilities as women’s rights advocates.
One strategic response to this issue is to offer legislative support services
that combine technical training with research and analysis. The Center for
Legislative Development (CLD),3
which has worked both locally and nationally, has found that equipping women
legislators with the necessary skills, information and understanding of gender
perspectives transforms lawmaking from something impersonal and alienating into
an important strategy for women’s empowerment.
This is a new way of looking at the potential of women legislators, but it is
rapidly catching on. Since the 1986 “people power” protests that brought down
President Ferdinand Marcos, most NGOs, including women’s groups, have continued
to push their agenda through the “parliament of the streets.” But in 1990, two
years after the democratically-elected Congress was first convened, activists
began to consider the potential benefits of working through legislation. Since
many did not know where to start, the CLD organized seminars on how the
legislature works, as well as on techniques for advocacy.
In 1988, the CLD began providing congressional legislators and staff, both
women and men, with seminars on research, technical writing, bill drafting, and
parliamentary rules of procedure. As more NGOs began exploring the
possibilities of engaging the legislature, the CLD turned its attention to
helping women’s groups and politicians use the legislative process to address
gender concerns.
The Case for Support Services
Women newly-elected to the legislature are soon confronted with the reality
that lawmaking requires skills they may not have had the opportunity or the
time to develop, such as how to draft a bill, how to negotiate, and how to
enlist the support of key players.
Women legislators would often rather be seen as addressing broad constituency
needs because this is what voters expect.4
But even where they are sensitive to gender issues, they may also be unaware of
which specific legislative measures to introduce, or how to give a gender-focus
to those bills that don’t target women in particular. In addition, some may not
participate in the deliberations because they have neither the confidence nor
the information to craft persuasive arguments.
An additional obstacle is that the majority of women in office are there to
continue family political traditions. After the election, these women often
rely on the support and advice of “experienced” male family members.5
This limits their understanding of women’s empowerment, and encourages them to
advocate solely for measures on economic well-being and welfare services such
as health and daycare facilities.6
CLD’s legislative support services tackle these problems by building the
knowledge and skills of women legislators and teaching them to become
independent advocates for gender. The CLD has found that these services allow
women legislators to quickly become active movers and shakers in the political
process—introducing powerful new legislation to benefit women, and standing up
to male legislators who oppose their proposals. They begin to recognize the
value of making their presence felt in the committees where their bills and
ordinances are scrutinized, and, perceiving new links between gender and all
other issues, they venture into non-traditional committees such as peace and
economic affairs.
Through the services provided by CLD, women legislators also gain the courage
to bring women NGOs into the legislative equation, demonstrating the extent to
which working with groups outside the legislature can make democracy more alive
and responsive to people’s needs and demands. In several cases, women
legislators and NGOs have collaborated strategically on identifying key
legislators to lobby and on providing timely and substantive interventions in
committee hearings and in plenary meetings.
Training: Building Skills, Broadening
Perspectives
A major part of legislative support services involves training on issues such
as legislative agenda setting, preparation of legislative proposals, and
advocacy. At the CLD, workshops on legislative agenda setting start by teaching
elected women about gender as an organizing principle of society, and how all
public policies from social welfare to foreign trade have gender implications.
Using popular education techniques, such as theater arts, community singing,
role playing and games, the workshops help women identify women’s issues,
examine why there is a need to address them, and consider why women legislators
must take the initiative and responsibility to put these issues before the
public for national debate. Participants develop an agenda that they can later
incorporate in legislative proposals.
Training for the preparation of legislative proposals involves teaching skills
related to policy analysis, policy research and legislative drafting. In these
workshops, women analyze the causes of problems, determine the extent and
degree to which differing populations are affected, and choose the best policy
alternative to be developed into legislation. At the end, participants realize
that devising a legislative proposal is not an easy, mechanical task, but one
that requires critical thinking and research-based information.
Advocacy, which entails effective participation in committee and plenary
deliberations, requires more than the confidence to voice opinions and the knowledge
of legislative structures and processes. Seminars on this subject explore how
to present a policy as the most rational alternative. They teach women how to
gain support from other legislators, to decide what their minimum and maximum
positions are, and to negotiate without compromising basic principles.
An example of progress made through legislative training took place in Bacolod
City and the Province of Negroes. Women there have been active in electoral
education since the late 1980s. In the beginning, they organized consultations
with community women to create a local women’s agenda for presentation to
politicians. In 1992, the city council passed a resolution, drafted by a woman
legislator, which provided a framework for women’s participation in local
development processes.
Little progress was made in getting ordinances on women’s issues enacted,
however, until 1994. The CLD and a local NGO, Development Through Active Women
Networking Foundation, began offering seminar workshops on advocacy, agenda
setting and developing legislative proposals, which were attended by elected
women, government planners, and NGOs. The CLD also shared its legislative
monitoring reports and research studies.
A core group of women who participated in the workshops soon formed the group
Legislative Advocates for Women in Negroes (LAWN). Shortly afterwards LAWN
started working with women legislators on researching and drafting ordinances
that would benefit women not only in Bacolod but throughout the province. The
resulting agenda included initiatives related to crisis centers, day care,
health, education, women’s political participation, gender sensitivity
training, livelihood projects, access to credit, and banning the mail-order
bride business.
In less than a year, the provincial legislature passed an ordinance, proposed
by a LAWN legislator, which created a Provincial Council for Women.7
Its mandate is to recommend legislative and administrative measures related to
women’s concerns, undertake gender-based research to support legislative
action, and assist in the formulation of a strategic provincial development
plan for women. There were obstacles to the ordinance’s passage—many municipal mayors,
for example, objected to allocating scarce resources for specific women’s
concerns. Yet the members of LAWN persisted by lobbying the mayors, holding
consultations with other women’s groups, providing testimonies to committees
with jurisdiction over the ordinance, and negotiating with male legislators.
Today, LAWN continues its advocacy work, and several NGO members who attended
CLD/LAWN workshops have since been elected to office.
Research and Analysis: Getting the Facts
Straight
Another indispensible form of legislative support consists of providing
research on which women legislators and women’s organizations can build action.
With this data, women legislators can raise the level of policymaking debates
by providing solid gender analysis and gender-sensitive policy alternatives.
Some of the CLD’s research studies have focused on the impact of gender on the
kind of laws introduced in the legislature, on strategies to increase women’s
political participation, and on the concepts and practice of politics and
elections. Special issue briefs have treated specific women’s concerns as
public problems that require a new law or amendments to existing laws.
Research has played a major role in the success of the national network, Joint
Initiatives of Women for Transforming Law and Society (SIBOL). Launched in
1992, through a joint initiative of CLD and the Women’s Legal Bureau,8
SIBOL brings together 13 feminist NGOs to advocate for the passage of
congressional bills on women’s issues.9
SIBOL has organized issue forums on topics related to pending legislation on
rape, quota systems, reproductive health rights, family and marriage, and
political participation. These forums briefed women legislators, SIBOL members,
other women’s groups and the media about the problems being addressed and their
implications for both women and men. Quarterly updates on the status and
analysis of proposals before Congress that addressed women’s concerns were also
disseminated through SIBOL.
To develop lobbying techniques, SIBOL seminars used the research as the basis
for teaching advocacy and negotiation skills and to develop easy access tools
for female and male legislators, such as fact sheets and position papers. These
tools were used for preparing arguments and testifying in committee hearings,
writing sponsorship speeches for women legislators, mobilizing women during
plenary deliberations, reaching out to media, and lobbying individual members
of Congress.
After five years and two Congresses, these efforts resulted in a major victory
for women—the passage of a progressive, gender-sensitive Anti-Rape Law in 1997.
According to key legislators involved in the deliberations on the bill, SIBOL
was “persistent in lobbying,” “really educated the legislators,” and “triggered
legislators’ interest in women’s issues.”10
In the lead-up to the vote on the bill, SIBOL provided legislators with
research to reinforce their position that a special law on rape was needed,
particularly one that redefines rape from a crime against chastity to a crime
against a person. SIBOL also constructed arguments for key women legislators to
use in convincing other legislators that rape encompasses acts beyond penile
penetration, that rape can happen in a marriage, that abuse of authority should
be included as grounds for rape, that fear can make a woman incapable of
resisting her rapist, and that delays in reporting a rape case should not be
used against the victim.
Five months later, on the heels of this success, the CLD and SIBOL helped to
push through the Rape Crisis Centers Act, which for the first time mandated the
establishment of rape crisis centers. Since then, a broader discussion has
begun about subjects no legislator would previously consider touching,
including abortion, divorce, and lesbian and gay rights. Most recently, SIBOL
has backed the drafting of a domestic violence bill, which is now before the
Senate and the House.
Lessons
Learned
ased on its collected experience, the CLD is planning additional initiatives
such as involving male legislators in its programs, re f i n i n g the gender
sensitization of women legislators, and building the capacity of NGOs for
strategic advo-cacy. In these future plans and its current activi-ties, the CLD
has identified key factors to guide its work:
- Expand consciousness Women legislators should be educated on women’s
concerns, the implications of gender bias, and the meaning of being a
woman legislator. These perspectives are crucial in determining the
responsiveness of leg-islators to new laws. Training on advocacy and other
skills should include sensitization to women’s issues.
- Include women's NGOs Activists can use legislative skills training to
complement their own work.
- Target specific needs Training modules should be based on the specific
needs of women legislators, considering their socio-economic, political
and educational profile, and whether they are working at the national or
local level.
- Understand legislative processes Lawmaking requires technical skills and
knowledge. Trainers and facilitators should know the structure, processes,
dynamics and goals of the legislature as well as the work of individual
politicians.
- Package research information Present materials in simple, concise, yet
substantive forms, so legislators can understand the issues clearly.
- Maintain a strategic focus Support services do not offer quick fixes. Like
advocacy, they require research, planning, analysis, positioning, skills
and support from a large group of people.
- Build networks Providing women legislators with tools and
knowledge is essential, but networks that form between elected women and
women NGOs will sustain the momentum and advance political gains over the
long term.
Notes
1. Studies by the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and other
international organizations show that there is a greater openness in
progressive parties toward using quotas or other strategies that enhance
women’s chances of getting into office. The research also reveal that
proportional representation favors women’s participation, as long as it is
combined with quotas that reserve a fair share of seats for women and offer
them a portion of winnable positions.
2. In the Senate, women garnered two out of 23 seats in 1987, and three out of
12 seats in 1995. In the House of Representatives for the same years, they won
19 out of 202 seats, and 27 out of 206 seats respectively. National Commission
on the Role of Filipino Women, “Filipino Women: Facts and Figures.” 1 9 9 8.
3. CLD is a Philippine-based nonpartisan, nongovernmental
organization that works to achieve a society where responsive and gender-fair
legislation is enacted by democratically elected legislatures functioning with
genuine people’s participation to promote equality, development and peace for
all.
4. Reyes, Socorro, “Strengthening Linkages Between Selected
Women’s Groups and Women in Government,” The Center for Legislative
Development. 1991.
5. Josefa Francisco, “Women Negotiating Through Local
Politics,” Research Report. Quezon City: The Center for Legislative
Development. 1999.
6. Maria Ela Atienza, “Gender and Democratization in the
Philippines: Current Attempts to Democratize Local Governance,” Journal of
Legislative Development, Quezon City: The Center for Legislative Development.
1996-97.
7. Flor, Celia, “Local Legislative Advocacy on Women’s Issues
in Bacolod City,” Journal of Legislative Development, The Center for
Legislative Development. 1995.
8. WLB is a feminist legal resource NGO servicing women and
women NGOs.
9. At present, SIBOL is composed of 11 women NGOs providing
research, training and direct services such as counseling for women VAW
survivors. SIBOL member organizations have chapters in various provinces in the
Philippines.
10. Interviews with Representatives Charito Plaza and Senator
Ernesto Herrera in Socorro Reyes, “National Advocacy for the Anti-Rape Law:
What Worked?” Unpublished. 1998.
References
Atienza, Ma. Ela. “Gender and Democratization in the Philippines:Current
Attempts to Democratize Local
Governance.” Journal of Legislative
Development. Quezon City: The Center for Legislative
Development. 1996-97.
Beijing Platform for Action. Fourth World Conference on Women. United
Nations. 1995.
Journal of Legislative Development. Quezon City: The Center for
Legislative Development, 1995.
The Center for Legislative Development. Citizens’ Advocacy Guide to the
11th Congress. 1999.
The Center for Legislative Development. ”Legislative Advocacy for Women’s
Rights in Cotabato,
Philippines.” Final Project Technical Report
to Promoting Women in Development (PROWID). 1998.
Flor, Celia. “Local Legislative Advocacy on Women’s Issues in Bacolod C i t y.”
Journal of Legislative
Development. Quezon City: The Center
for Legislative Development. 1995.
Francisco, Josefa. “Women Negotiating Through Local Politics: A Study of Women
Candidates in the 1997
Barangay Elections in Two Metro Manila and Three
Cotabato Communities.” Quezon City: The Center
for Legislative Development. 1999.
Lee, Lynn Frances. “Transformational Politics and Women in the Ninth Congress:
A Critical Analysis.”
Journal of Legislative Development.
Quezon City: The Center for Legislative Development. 1995.
National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women (NCRFW). “Filipino Women
Facts and Figures.” 1998.
NCRFW. “Women and Public Life.” 1995.
Promoting Women in Development (PROWID). “Legislative Advocacy for Women’s
Rights: Training
Candidates for Local Elections in Cotabato,
Philippines, The Center for Legislative Development.”
Report in Brief. International Center
for Research on Women and Center for Development and
Population Activities. 1999.
Republic Act No. 8353. “The Anti-Rape Law of 1997.” Republic of the
Philippines. 1997.
Reyes, Socorro. “Strengthening Linkages Between Selected Women’s Groups and Women
in
Government.” Quezon City: The Center for
Legislative Development. 1991.
Reyes, Socorro. “National Legislative Advocacy for the Anti-Rape Law: What
Worked?” Unpublished,
1998.
Overcoming
the Obstacles
As the reports
in this primer demonstrate, women are using various organizational strategies
to overcome the barriers to their participation. These strategies include
gender-sensitive campaign training for women candidates, demanding party quotas
to broaden women’s electoral participation and providing support services to
women legislators at the local and national levels.
In Trinidad and Tobago, the campaign training program of the Network of Women’s
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) emphasizes the acquisition and
development of political skills as well as gender analysis of budget
allocations and local government laws, history and functions.
The reports on Sweden and Africa demonstrate the extent to which party quotas
and proportional representation contribute to raising the numbers of women in
national parliaments. In the Philippines, women activists are helping women
legislators develop the technical skills needed to formulate a realistic and
prioritized gender-based legislative agenda. As the reports in this primer
show, such alliances enable elected women to navigate the legislative process,
participate actively and make meaningful interventions in committee and floor
deliberations, while encouraging them to involve their constituents in decision
making.
Also included in this primer are useful tools and information from WEDO’s
50/50: Get the Balance Right global campaign. Readers can use the tools to
learn more about the issues, sign on to the campaign, network with
organizations across all regions and plan local strategy.
Notes
1. Sweden (42.7), Denmark (37.4), Finland (36.5), Norway (36.4), Netherlands
(36.0), Iceland (34.9), Germany (30.9), New Zealand (30.8), Mozambique (30.0),
South Africa (29.8).
2. Djibouti (majority system); Jordan (majority system), Kuwait (mixed system),
Micronesia (majority system), Palau (majority system), Tonga (majority system),
Tuvalu (majority system), United Arab Emirates (members appointed), Vanuatu
(majority system). Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union:
www.ipu.org/wmn-e.classif.htm
Resources
& Links
Networks
and Organizations
ANC
Women’s League
Women’s arm of the Africa National Congress works in coalition with women’s
organizations on women’s equality in decision making.
Contact:
ANC Headquarters
51 Plein Street
Johannesburg 2001, South Africa
Center for Legislative Development
Seeks to promote linkages between the legislature and civil society. Targets
women through a gender and governance program.
Contact:
CLD
Suite 1703, MPO Bldg.
San Miguel Ave., Ortigas Center
Pasig City 1600, Philippines
Fax: 63-2-687-2082
E-mail: cld@info.com.ph
Website: www.cld.org
International Parliamentary Union
This focal point for worldwide parliamentary dialogue has up-to-date data on
women in national parliaments in 176 countries.
Website: www.ipu.org
Network of NGOs In Trinidad and Tobago
For information and resources on the network’s Engendering Local Government
project.
Contact:
Hazel Brown, Project Coordinator
P.O. Box 410
Port of Spain
Trinidad and Tobago
Fax: 868-686-9655
E-mail: network@wow.net
SIBOL (Joint Initiatives of Women for transforming Law and
Society)
Brings together feminist NGOs in the Philippines to advocate for the passage of
congressional bills on women’s issues.
Contact:
SIBOL Secretariat
c/o Women’s Legal Bureau
11 Matimtiman Street
Teachers Village, Diliman
Quezon City, Philippines
Fax: 63-2-921-4387
South Africa Women’s National Coalition
Works with women of all political affiliations and across party lines to
develop a platform for women’s political participation.
Contact:
P.O. Box 63319
Marshalltown, Johannesburg 2107
South Africa
Women’s Candidacy Initiative
Promotes women’s participation in political processes through programs to
increase public awareness about the need for equitable attitudes, policies and
laws. Created history in Malaysia by running that country’s first female
candidate.
Contact:
Fax: 60-3-837-8380
E-mail: women_candidate@yahoo.com
Website: www.candidate.freeservers.com
Information
sites
Center for Voting
and Democracy
Gender
and Governance sites
Center
for American Women and Politics
Unifem
Engendering Governance and Leadership
League of Women
Voters
American
Women Presidents
Women's
Learning Partnership
Women's Action for
New Directions
Books
Redefining Politics: South African Women and Democracy
Experiences and reflections of women in the first democratic parliament of
South Africa.
(Johannesburg: Commission on Gender Equality, 1999)
Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers
by Azza Karam
Examines structural and cultural barriers to gender balance in national
parliaments and shares strategies to overcome them.
(Sweden: IDEA, 1998). Available at www.idea.int
Reports
Philippines
Transforming Women’s Lives: The Philippine ExperienceCountry
Report, June 2000
Contact:
National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women
1145 J. P. Laurel Street
Manila, Philippines
Fax: 63-2-735-1655
The Philippine NGO Report on Women Five Years After the United Nations
Beijing Conference on Women
prepared by the Philippine NGO Beijing Scoreboard
Download at website: www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/followup/beijing+5.htm
South Africa
Reports published by the Commission on Gender Equality.
Entrenching Democracy and Good Governance Through the Empowerment of
Women
Newly-elected women reflect on their experiences and highlight the challenges
facing women in the new democracy. November 13-15, 1998.
Women, Politics and the Elections
What political parties in South Africa are/are not doing, or would like to do
to support women’s political participation. June 29, 1998.
Review of the 1999 General Elections—A Gender Perspective
Focus on participation, access and visibility and recommendations for promoting
gender equality in future elections.
For copies, contact:
CGE
10th Floor, Braamfontein Centre
Braamfontein 2017
South Africa
Tel: 1-27-11-403-7182
E-mail: cgeinfo@cge.org.za
Website: www.cge.org.za
United Nations
Women’s Political Participation and Good Governance: 21st Century
Challenges
(UNDP, 2000)
Contact:
Management Development and Governance Division(MDGD)
United Nations, Development Programme
One United Nations Plaza
New York, NY 100017
Website: www.undp.org
|
Contacts |
|
||
|
|
|
|
|
